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#310Title: Universalis Cosmographia Secundum Ptholomei Traditionem e Et Americi Vespucci Aliorum LustrationesDate: 1507Author: Martin Waldseemüller [Hylacomylus]Description: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, Württemberg Germany. Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer Johannes Schöner. This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 x 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin Waldseemüller as author. There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no author’s name or date. It is this map which is here reproduced and examined.It had long been suspected that Martin Waldseemüller, a professor of cosmography at the school in St. Die, located in the Vosges Mountains of France, had made a map of the world in the year 1507. Henry Harrisse had made this conjecture in his Discovery of North America, which he published when the world was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. That Fisher in these anonymous, undated sheets, had found such a map appears from three leading considerations: (1) from the references to such a map by Waldseemüller himself on his map of 1516; (2) from the agreement of the anonymous undated map with an existing map by Glare of about the year 1510, on which Glare asserts that in the making of his map he had followed Waldseemüller, and (3) from the anonymous, undated map’s conformity to certain statements by Waldseemüller in his well known Cosmographia Introductio of 1507, which is, in fact, an explanatory text for the map in question.The passage in the Cosmographia Introductio, which bears most strongly on the problem of the identification of the map, is as follows:The purpose of this little book is to write a description of the world map, which we have designed both as a globe and as a projection [tam in solido quam plano]. The globe I have designed on a small scale, the map on a larger. As farmers usually mark off and divide their farms by boundary lines, so it has been our endeavor to mark the chief countries of the world by the emblems of their rulers. And (to begin with our own continent) in the middle of Europe we have placed the eagles of the Roman Empire (which rule the Kings of Europe) and with the key (which is the symbol of the Holy Father), we have enclosed almost the whole of Europe, which acknowledges the Roman Church. The greater part of Africa and a part of Asia we have distinguished by crescents, which are the emblems of the Sultan of Babylonia, the Lord of all Egypt, and of a part of Asia. The part of Asia called Asia Minor we have surrounded with a saffron-colored cross joined to a branding iron, which is the symbol of the Sultans of the Turks, who rules Scythia this side of the Imaus, the highest mountains of Asia and Sarmatian Scythia. Asiatic Scythia we have marked by anchors, which are the emblems of the great Tartar Khan. A red cross symbolizes Prester John (who rules both eastern and southern India and who resides in Biberith); and finally on the fourth division of the earth, discovered by the kings of Castile and Portugal, we have placed the emblems of those sovereigns. And what is to be borne in mind, we have marked with crosses shallow places in the sea where shipwreck may be feared. Herewith we close.Colored, facsimile copy of Waldseemüller’s 1507 mapMartin Waldseemüller’s Universalis Cosmographia secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum Lustrationes [A Map of the World According to the Tradition of Ptolemy and the Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci] was designed on a single cordiform projection and engraved on twelve wooden blocks (21 x 30 inches each; 54 x 96 inches overall) at Strasburg and printed at St. Die in a an original issue of about 1,000 copies (a thousand copies represented a large edition for this time, immediately preceding post-Columbian world maps, such as Juan de la Cosa’s, Cantino’s and Caveri’s (#305 thru #309 - were all mcript maps). While certainly not the only large world map produced during this dynamic era of exploration, the Universalis Cosmographia was one of the first large engraved and printed maps to depict the recent Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the Mundus Novus. This map is actually a prototype of a (truncated) cordiform or heart-shaped projection. Cordiform projections are essentially equivalent (equal area), show true distance from a point (i.e., the North Pole), and have in the most useful, central part of the projection a greater longitudinal than latitudinal extent.In Plate IX of the map, numbering the plates from left to right, the top row first, Waldseemüller re-asserts that he is particularly delineating the lands discovered by Vespucci. In translation, this inscription in the lower left-hand corner of the map says:A general delineation of the various lands and islands, including some of which the ancients make no mention, discovered lately between 1497 and 1504 in four voyages over the seas, two by Fernando of Castile, and two by Manuel of Portugal, most serene monarchs, with Amerigo Vespucci as one of the navigators and officers of the fleet; and especially a delineation of many places hitherto unknown. All this we have carefully drawn on the map, to furnish true and precise geographical knowledge.Vespucci’s contribution was, in fact, a fairly considerable one. A Florentine cosmographer, he sailed in 1497 with a commission appointed by Ferdinand and Isabella to investigate reports that Columbus’ administration of Hispaniola was inept. Much of what Vespucci claimed to have seen on this and other voyages was later called into question by both his contemporaries and, later, by historians.Vespucci claimed that on his first voyage he made discoveries along the coasts of Honduras and the Gulf of Mexico. He also credited himself with three other voyages by 1503, when he made his last, an investigation of the coast of Brazil for Portugal. He wrote a letter describing his third voyage that was circulated throughout Europe as a tract called Mundus Novus [The New World], and later was included by Waldseemüller in his Cosmographia Introductio (the Solderini letter, see illustration below). In that letter, Vespucci proposed that the new lands ought to be called a “New World, because none of those countries were known to our ancestors . . . I have found a continent in that southern part more populous and more full of animals than our Europe or Asia or Africa.”In describing the general appearance of the world, it has seemed best to put down the discoveries of the ancients, and to add what has since been discovered by the moderns, for instance, the land of Cathay, so that those who are interested in such matters and wish to find out various things, may gain their wishes and be grateful to us for our labor, when they see nearly everything that has been discovered here and there, or recently explored, carefully and clearly brought together, so as to be seen at a glance.This map’s greatest claim to immortality, however, is contained in the simple word of seven letters, America, the earliest known use of that name to describe the newly found fourth part of the world, placed on the southern continent (present-day South America) of the world map only by Waldseemüller. Besides this world map, Waldseemüller also introduced the name America in two other media, in the previously mentioned Cosmographia Introductio and on his globe (thought by some scholars to be the so-called Hausslab-Linchoten globe (#311), both also produced in the year 1507).More than four years had elapsed since Amerigo Vespucci announced what he claimed to be the discovery of an entirely new continent, and as yet that new continent had no satisfactory name. It needed one that would be in keeping with the names of the other continents.Natives of Espanola had called the great land to the south of their island Bohio. The Portuguese used names that Cabral had given: Vera Cruz and Terra de Santa Cruz; but a name of Portuguese origin was acceptable only to themselves, not at all to the Spanish, who rightfully claimed more than half the continent, and who had touched its shores two years before Cabral and had made extensive explorations of it the year before Cabral. The term used by some of the map-makers, Land of Brasil, was confusing, for Brasil was the name of an imaginary island located somewhere in the Atlantic, according to popular belief, when there had been no thought of a continent. Terra dei Pappagalli [Land of Parrots] was a name only locally applicable to a part of the continent; Parias was the native name for a limited region near Trinidad; and India Nova [New India] was inaccurate. Mundus Novus [New World] and Terra Incognita [Unknown Land] were less real names than descriptions, though for many years these last two terms were quite prevalent on maps showing new discoveries. But now the fact that there was a new continent beyond the western ocean had become nearly common knowledge throughout Europe, and there was everywhere a subconscious demand for an adequate name, a universally acceptable name.In the first years of the new century, a group of scholars decided to produce a revised edition of the Cosmography of Ptolemy (#119) to meet the urgent need for new maps, according to the new discoveries. It happened that in the Vosges Mountains in the little town of Saint-Die, there was a college under the patronage of the studious Duke Renaud (Rene) II of Vaudemon, of Lorraine, the titular “King of Jerusalem and Sicily”, who was there resident. Walter Lud, Secretary to the Duke, and a wealthy man, had established a printing press at St. Die in 1500. The duke and several professors in the college used this press in their geographical project.The first use of the name “AMERICA:” as placed on South AmericaMartin Waldseemüller, a native of Freiburg in the Breisgau and appointed Professor of Geography at St. Die in about 1505, made several important contributions to this geographical project. It was at St. Die that he prepared the treatise Cosmographia Introductio, which presented this description of itself: An Introduction to Cosmography, together with some principles of Geometry necessary to the purpose. Also four voyages of Americus Vespucius. A description of universal Cosmography, both stereometrical and planometrical, together with what was unknown to Ptolemy and has been recently discovered. This small treatise was brought out as a pamphlet on April 25, 1507.Martin Waldseemüller, whose family name actually seems to have been Waltzemüller, had a fondness for making up names, as we know from his signing himself Hylacomylus, a hybrid composite of the Greek word meaning “wood”, equivalent to Wald; the Latin lacus, meaning “lake” or “See”; and the Greek word “mill”. In a Latin preface to the Cosmographia lntroductio Waldseemüller indulged his name-coining propensity:Toward the South Pole are situated the southern part of Africa, recently discovered, and the islands of Zanzibar, Java Minor, and Seula. These regions [Europe, Asia, Africa] have been more extensively explored, and another or fourth part has been seen by the attached charts; in virtue of which I believe it very just that it should be named Amerige ["ge" in Greek meaning “land of”], after its discoverer, Americus, a man of sagacious mind; or let it be named America, since both Europa and Asia bear names of feminine form.“Asia” was a name derived from Asu, which meant “rising sun” or “land of light”; while Europa was a name that came from ereb or irib, which meant “setting sun” or “land of darkness”. Africa came from a local Carthaginian place name. The name America was a variant of the German Amalrich, derived from amal. In Greek it was Aimulos, in Latin Aemelius. In all its forms the underlying meaning was that of work; as for example, the word for work in Hebrew is amal, and in old Norse aml, the consonant sounds of which were retained in the verb moil. Amalrich, which literally meant “work ruler”, or “designator of tasks”, might be freely translated as “master workman”. A Frenchman said that Emeric meant “rich through work”.The name appeared in Halmal, a semi-divine mythical forefather or ancestor of the Amelungen, or royal tribe of the Ostrogoths, which was called Ömlunger. German forms of the name were Amalrich, Almerich, Emmerich; the Spanish form was Almerigo; the French, Amalrie or Amaury; in England it was Almerick, or Merica in old families in Yorkshire. It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia, Emilia, Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Aymar, Emeric, Emerique, Emery or Emmery. But as Charlotte Mary Yonge wrote in her History of Christian Names, it was. . . the Italian form, Amerigo, which was destined to the most noted use . . . which should hold fast that most fortuitous title, whence thousands of miles, and millions of men, bear the appellation of the forgotten forefather of a tribe of Goths - Amalrich, the work ruler; a curiously appropriate title for the new world of labor and progress, on the other side of the Atlantic.Returning to the map, it is curious to note that while the name America appeared on the new continent (South America) of the new hemisphere on the world map, Waldseemüller did not choose to use it on the small inset map of the western hemisphere, where South America is labeled Terra Incognita. As will be seen, Waldseemüller’s dedication to the name America was hardly unwavering, for in addition to this aforementioned apparent contradiction, his latter maps of 1513 and 1516 (#321) appeared without his prophetic name of America. By selecting the name America for a major portion of the new discoveries, Waldseemüller was not unaware of the contributions of Columbus and intended no denial of the credit properly due him. On Plate V (the Caribbean area) of his map, Waldseemüller wrote: These islands were discovered by Columbus, an admiral of Genoa, at the command of the King of Spain. And at the mouth of the Orinoco River is the following: All this is sweet water, a statement based upon the well-known story of Columbus’ discovery of the fresh water of the Orinoco River (there is the same reference found on the Bartholomew Columbus map (#304) which has Mar de aqua dolce along the northeastern shores of South America).Western Hemisphere inset with Amerigo VespucciPlate I, in the upper left-hand corner, contains an inscription that explains Waldseemüller’s ideas as to the location of the lands discovered by Vespucci and Columbus.Many have regarded as an invention the words of a famous poet [Virgil] that “beyond the stars lies a land, beyond the path of the year and the sun, where Atlas, who supports the heavens, revolves on his shoulders the axis of the world, set with gleaming stars”, but now finally it proves clearly to be true. For there is a land, discovered by Columbus, a captain of the King of Castile, and by Americus Vespucius, both men of very great ability, which, though in great part lies beneath “the path of the year and of the sun” and between the tropics, nevertheless extends about 19 degrees beyond the Tropic of Capricorn toward the Antarctic Pole, “beyond the path of the year and the sun”. Here a greater amount of gold has been found than of any other metal.Instead of “19 degrees” he should have written “29 degrees” which, when added to the 23 degrees of the tropic, would have made the “52 degrees” given in the “third” voyage as Amerigo Vespucci’s farthest south. Since Columbus never explored as far south as the equator, the words “it proves clearly to be true” are clothed with meaning only in the light of Amerigo’s voyages into the southern hemisphere, not at all in the light of the “first” of the “four voyages”, from which the dispute ultimately arose as to which could claim priority upon the shore of the new continent, Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci; for that “first” voyage, like all the voyages of Columbus, was entirely north of the equator. In other words, on his 1507 map, Waldseemüller unmistakably showed that in his own mind he ascribed proof of the existence of the new continent to the Portuguese voyage of Amerigo (the “third” of the “four voyages”), and that Columbus never detoured from his conviction that he had actually reached the shores of Asia (accepting the longitudinally shortened world of Ptolemy, et al), and that it was the acceptance of Amerigo’s proof of its existence more so than Amerigo’s supposed priority which caused him to name the new continent America.North America – Florida, Gulf of Mexico, the CaribbeanThe remarkable geographical features of the Waldseemüller map are, however, more important than the giving of a name to one of them. In addition to the previously mentioned accuracy and ‘novelty’ of the hemispheric insets, and the picturing of the new southern continent, with its surprisingly correct general contour, the inset map presents a portion of the northern continent as well, and the two are correctly joined together by a narrow isthmus. However, as can be seen above on Plate I of the world map, the two continents are inexplicably separated by a hypothetical strait, connecting the two great oceans. Both the inset and the world map illustrate another important feature, the representation of a great ocean even broader than the Atlantic, between the New World and Asia. The decision to display a large expanse of ocean west of the New World discoveries was, of course, pure conjecture on the part of Waldseemüller since, in 1507, the discoveries of Balboa and Magellan were still a few years off in the future.These close approximations to geographical actualities were natural corollaries of Amerigo’s great ‘discovery’ of a “fourth part of the world”. One is tempted to loose sight of this revolutionary advance over the previously dominating world conception of Ptolemy in focusing all the attention to the single feature that has made Waldseemüller’s map so famous, the first appearance thereon of the name America.Waldseemüller places a land to the west of Isabella Insula [Cuba], as do many of the other mapmakers of his time, La Cosa, Cantino, Ruysch and Caveri (#305, #308, #313, #307). This area may represent the coast of China copied from Marco Polo, and placed here in the belief that the new discoveries were in and near Asia. Contarini (#308) and Ruysch (#313) distinctly record their belief on their maps that the contemporary explorers had reached China, as does the Columbus map and the letter of Columbus explanatory of his fourth voyage record the same view (#303, #304). However, this view is not supported on the Waldseemüller map either by the place-names found in the area of the new discoveries, or by the overall visual image presented by the placement of the new discoveries as totally separated by some distance from Asia. On the other hand, navigators unknown to modern historians, may have sailed along the coast of Florida at this time. In this respect, Waldseemüller may have been led by the maps of La Cosa, Caveri, and Cantino to believe that this was at least a possibility, for he depicts a small portion of the northern mainland extending from the narrow strait in Central America to just north of Terra Ulteri‘ Incognita [Florida]. Here the northern coast terminates abruptly with open sea beyond approximately 50 degrees, with Newfoundland being shown as an island far to the east. This interpretation is similar to both Cantino and Caveri and helped keep alive the possibility of a northern access to the as yet unnamed Pacific and, of course, the riches of far Cathay.Eastern Hemisphere inset with PtolemyTo the south, the long attenuated form given to both Terra Ulteri‘ Incognita and to America, the west coasts of which are, as it were, rolled back to indicate Waldseemüller’s lack of knowledge of these areas. In extending the South American coast to 50 degrees South (high-lighted by the implantation of a Portuguese flag), Waldseemüller avoids committing himself as to the possibility of a passage by sea around this new continent by continuing its land to the edge of, and actually into, the map frame (compare this abrupt treatment with his depiction of Africa, where he is willing to go outside of the preset form of his map frame in order to accommodate the full extension of the continent and thus substantiate the Portuguese proof of a passage to the Far East).Joseph Fisher and F. von Wieser showed conclusively in their memoir on the unique copy of this map that the primary source employed by Waldseemüller for the general outline of the new discoveries, and, for some place-names and legends, was the world map of 1502 by the Genoese chartmaker Nicolo de Caveri [a.k.a. Canerio], and not merely a copy of this but the actual surviving chart (#307). One difference being that the Waldseemüller map is basically a ‘land map’ and the interiors are somewhat filled-in, whereas the Caveri chart is basically a portolano, or nautical chart, with little or no interior detail.Leaving the New World discoveries, one cannot help but notice the striking resemblance between Waldseemüller’s “Old World” outline and that presented by Henricus Martellus Germ in his map of 1490 (#256). As can be seen on the accompanying comparison illustration, except for the southern half of Africa, in both projection and general geographical contours the Old World of Waldseemüller’s 1507 map seems to have been virtually copied from Martellus. Curiously enough, though, while accepting the Portuguese delineation of the New World and South Africa, Waldseemüller reverts to the Ptolemaic conception of North Africa and Asia as refined and expressed by Martellus, rejecting the more accurate rendering of contemporaries such as Caveri. This Ptolemaic basis results in giving the map an extremely exaggerated representation of the eastern extension of Asia; in fact, the landmass of the Old World, alone, extends through some 230 degrees of longitude. This lack of any substantive modification, of the Far East especially, is understandable in light of the scarcity of verifiable reports from this region and the focus of popular attention on both Africa and the New World.In Africa, Waldseemüller gives full expression to the recent Portuguese exploration by including the rounding of Caput de bona Speransa [Cape of Good Hope], by Bartholomew Diaz and Vasco da Gama, and on to Calicut; the depiction of the Arab settlements of Melinde, Monbatha, Quiloe and Monsanbiqui; the Portuguese Padros, T. del Natal and Cortada; and the rivers R. di Infante, S. Thomas, de Largo (Espiritu Santu) and S. Vincente - all traced by a series of Portuguese flags. Not many interior details are shown to speak of, but a large group of natives is shown at the Cape, and above them, a large vignette of an elephant. While the shape his Africa resembles reality more so than Martellus’, Waldseemüller extends the continent to beyond its actual 34 degrees South in a similarly misguided manner as Martellus with Waldseemüller’s Africa reaching an inexplicable 50 degrees plus. The Indian Ocean area is very representative of the Ptolemaic character, albeit re-interpreted by Waldseemüller, showing a typically enlarged Taprobana Insula (the location of which represents a juxtaposition of this island with Seylam [Sri Lanka] as found on Fra Mauro’s map, #249), a reduced Indian subcontinent, an exaggerated Madagascar and Zanzibar and a string of numerous islands (possibly representing confusion in the reports of the Maldive Islands and the Malay Archipelago) that seem to form a series of stepping stones leading to a mysteriously elongated southeast Asian peninsula labeled India, located south and east of the Aureus Chersoneus [Malay Peninsula] - this extension of Indochina to 25 degrees South, unlike the Martellus map which extends to 33 degrees, is a remnant of the Ptolemaic land-link between Africa and Asia that had formerly enclosed the Indian Ocean (#119).The African Continent on the Waldseemüller map of 1507The Indian Ocean on the Waldseemüller map of 1507Seylam [Sri Lanka/Ceylon], Iava Major and Minor [Sumatra/Java/Borneo?] are three prominent islands placed to the east and south of this long peninsula; while further to the north can be found the island of Zipangu [Japan].Plate XII, lower right-hand corner, summarizes Waldseemüller’s philosophical approach to his map:Although many of the ancients were interested in marking out the circle of the land, things remained unknown to them in no slight degree; for instance, in the west, America, named after its discoverer, which is to be reckoned a fourth part of the world. Another is, to the south, a part of Africa, which begins about seven degrees this side of Capricornus and stretches in a broad expanse to the south, beyond the torrid zone and the Tropic of Egocerus (Capricornus). A third instance, in the east, is the land of Cathay, and all of southern India beyond 180 degrees of longitude. All these we have added to the earlier known places, so that those who are fond of things of this sort may gaze upon all that is known to us of the present day, and may approve of out painstaking labors. This one request we have to make, that those who are inexperienced and unacquainted with cosmography shall not condemn all this before they have learned that it will surely be clearer to them later on, when they have come to understand it.In addition to Caveri, Martellus and Ptolemy, other sources synthesized by Waldseemüller include the narratives of Marco Polo, whose data concerning the geography of eastern China and the adjacent islands, though already known to the world in the map of Fra Mauro (#249), the Catalan Atlas (#235) and in globes such as those of Behaim (#258), are now for the first time embodied in a popular printed sheet map; and the Northmen, whose explorations in Mare Glaciale and in the neighborhood of Greenland were known from the maps of Claudius Clavus and those of Donnus Nickolaus Germ.Thus, derived chiefly from Caveri’s map (#307), itself based in many particulars upon the Cantino world map of 1502 (#308), the Waldseemüller production of 1507 transmitted the features of both to an impressive list of succeeding maps, globes and globe gores reaching to 1520 and well beyond. It was this succession of maps that Harrisse labeled the Lusitano-Germanic Group. The transmission of the Cantino-Caveri concept through the members of this notable group created one of the mainstreams of interest in the history of cartography.Of the same year as the map itself, and displaying its features, was the previously alluded to printed globe issued by Waldseemüller, known today only by two sets of globe gores on uncut sheets. At least twice Henricus Glare copied Waldseemüller’s world map and insets in mcript. Thus this ingenious geographer not only preserved the geographical concepts of Waldseemüller, but also carried the representation of hemispheres a step further by the experimental construction in 1510 of the first known maps of the northern and southern hemispheres on a circumpolar projection. In 1512 appeared, far away in Cracow, Poland, in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, the inset hemispheres of the 1507 map, copied and reprinted by the Polish scholar without reference to their source (#319). In 1515 appeared the printed globe of Johann Schöner and a set of globe gores, sometimes called the Weimar Globe (#328), printed about 1518. The Paris Globe of 1515, sometimes referred to as the Green Globe (#342.1), and the Schöner painted globe of 1520 (#330) may also be traced directly to the Waldseemüller globe gores of 1507. And finally, a much-reduced engraved map by Peter Apian, also based on the Waldseemüller world map of 1507, was published in 1520. Gemma Frisius and Sebastian Munster edited versions of the latter, so that the Waldseemüller type, or Lusitano-Germanic Group, held the field until the advent of Mercator, Ortelius, and the Dutch school of the mid-16th century.Waldseemüller, himself, continued his cartographic production beginning with a revised edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia (eventually published by others), which included a Supplement composed of 20 maps claimed by some scholars to be ‘the first modern atlas of the world’. Two maps in this Supplement show the New World discoveries, Tabula Terre Nove and Orbis Typus Universalis. It is important to note here that these two maps actually represent significant retrogression in cartographic expression by the German cartographer. The substantive advancement in geographical concepts found in the 1507 map, i.e., the separation of the new discoveries from Asia, the graphic confirmation of a new hemisphere, the suggestion of the Pacific Ocean, and the fortuitous accuracy of South America, to say nothing of his proposal of a new name befitting the newly discovered fourth part; are all absent from these two maps designed by Waldseemüller just six years later, in 1513. As can be seen, Terra Incognita replaces America and it is placed up against a frame that avoids any speculation as to the size or shape of the new continent(s). Gone, however, is that mysterious strait that had separated North and South America on the 1507 map. Over to the left, on Tabula Terra Nove, apparently referring to the Pearl Coast and perhaps to Honduras, we read the surprising inscription: Hec terra cum adiacentib insulis inuenta est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castellae [This land with the adjacent islands was discovered by Columbus of Genoa by order of the King of Castile]. A statement that is in obvious conflict with the thrust of both the graphic productions of 1507 (map and globe) and the text of Introductio Cosmographiæ referred to earlier - both prepared more or less as a testimony to Amerigo Vespucci.But worse inconsistency was to come. In his great and very important world map of 1516, Waldseemüller showed the landmass abutting upon the western border of the map, as in the two above mentioned maps, but here gives it the name Terra de Cuba Asie Partis. As a matter of fact, he misinterpreted/misrepresented the Cantino concept by the act of placing the Terra de Cuba Asie Partis legend on a landmass which Cantino had not named but which he thought of, in all probability, as part of a new continent entirely separated from Asia.The regression of Waldseemüller to the Columbian conception of Cuba as a part of the continent of Asia was without question confusing to those who saw the map of 1516 with its specific legend. But it seems that in this particular the map had little influence upon its time. The world picture in the maps and globe of 1507 - the representation, that is, of an American landmass widely separated from the Asian coast with Japan lying between the two - had become the accepted canon in geographic theory and cartographic expression. It is true that certain of the notable globes of the same period as the map of 1516, that is, the Paris [Green] Globe of 1515, the Nordenskiöld Gores of 1518, and the Schöner painted globe of 1520 (#328), in deference perhaps to Waldseemüller apply the name Cuba to the landmass, but they discard entirely his designation Asie Partis, following instead his bold treatment of the distribution of continents found in the great map of 1507, showing the Americas as separate continents lying between Europe and Asia.One can hardly overemphasize the significance in cartographic history, therefore, of the printed Waldseemüller productions of 1507 - world map, insets, and globe gores. The representation in these of the American continents separated from Asia by a broad ocean in the midst of which lay the island of Japan was a splendid synthesis based upon such known particulars as the narrative of Marco Polo, the voyages of the Portuguese to North America by way of the Atlantic and to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, the discoveries of South America by Vespucci and Cabral, the Spanish discoveries in the West Indies and the Caribbean, and above all, perhaps, the notable mcript maps of La Cosa, Cantino, and Caveri. The new picture compiled from these varied elements and presented to the literate world in printed form became a factor of the highest importance in developing a new concept of the earth and its divisions, rendering obsolete the Ptolemaic geography that had been accepted and revered since the second century of the Christian era. From it evolved, indeed, today's concept of the geographical divisions of the continents and islands, and of the great waters that form our earth.Location: Library of CongressSize: 53 x 94 inches (132 x 236 cm), woodcut on paper, 12 sheets designed to be joined.References:*Bagrow, L., History of Cartography, pp. 108-110; 126-127.*Bricker, C., Landmarks of Mapmaking, pp. 57, 159-160, 197. *Broome, R. Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name. Brown, L.A., The Story of Maps, pp. 156-157.*Cohen, J., The Naming of America.*Crone, G.R. Maps and their Makers, pp. 92-94.*Cumming, W.P. The Southeast in Early Maps, p. 93.*Cumming, W.P., The Discovery of North America, pp. 66-67.*Dickson, P., The Magellan Myth, pp. 27-67.*Fisher, J. & F.R. von Wieser, The Oldest Map with the Name America of the year 1507 and the Carta Marina of the year 1516 by Martin Waldseemüller. Fiske, J., The Discovery of America, pp. 358-413.*Fite, E.D. & A. Freeman, A Book of Old Maps Delineating American History . . . p. 24, #8. Harrisse, H., The Discovery of North America, p. 443. Harris, E., “The Waldseemüller World Map: A Typographical Appraisal”, Imago Mundi, vol. 37, 1985, pp. 30-53.Hebert, J. R., The Map that Named America: Martin Waldseemüller’s 1507 World Map, 2005.*Hessler, J., The Naming of America. *Hessler, John and Chet Van Duzer, Seeing the World Anew, 2012. Karrow, R.W., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps.*Lester, T., The Fourth Part of the World.*Nebenzahl, K., Atlas of Columbus, pp. 52-55, Plate 16. Pohl, F.J., Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major, pp. 168-174.*Shirley, R.W., The Mapping of the World, pp. 28-31, #26, Plate 31.*Schwartz, S., Putting "America" on the Map.*Wroth, L.C., The Voyages of Giovanni da Verrazano, 1524-28, pp. 45-52.*illustratedTHE NAMING OF AMERICA: FRAGMENTSWE'VE SHORED AGAINST OURSELVESBY JONATHAN COHENThe name America (applied to present-day Brazil) appeared for what is believed the first time on Martin Waldseemüller's 1507 world map — the so-called Baptismal Certificate of the New World. The only known surviving copy was purchased, in 2003, by the Library of Congress for $10 million. In 2005, this treasured map was inscribed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, and is the first document in the United States to be so honored. América, no invoco tu nombre en vano[America, I don't invoke your name in vain]Pablo Neruda, Canto GeneralAMERICA, we learn as schoolchildren, was named in honor of Amerigo Vespucci — for his discovery of the mainland of the New World. We tend not to question this lesson about the naming of America. By the time we are adults it lingers vaguely in most of us, along with images of wave-tossed caravels and forests peopled with naked cannibals. Not surprisingly, the notion that America was named for Vespucci has long been universally accepted, so much so that a lineal descendant, America Vespucci, came to New Orleans in 1839 and asked for a land grant "in recognition of her name and parentage." Since the late 19th century, however, conflicting ideas about the truth of the derivation have been set forth with profound cultural and political implications. To question the origin of America's name is to question the nature of not only our history lessons but our very identity as Americans.Traditional history lessons about the discovery of America also raise questions about the meaning of discovery itself. It is now universally recognized that neither Vespucci nor Columbus "discovered" America. They were of course preceded by the pre-historic Asian forebears of Native Americans, who migrated across some ice-bridge in the Bering Straits or over the stepping stones of the Aleutian Islands. A black African discovery of America, it has been argued, took place around 3,000 years ago, and influenced the development of Mayan, Aztec, and Inca civilizations. The records of Scandinavian expeditions to America are found in sagas — their historic cores encrusted with additions made by every storyteller who had ever repeated them. The Icelandic Saga of Eric the Red, the settler of Greenland, which tells how Eric's son Leif came to Vinland, was first written down in the second half of the 13th century, 250 years after Leif found a western land full of "wheatfields and vines"; from this history emerged a fanciful theory in 1930 that the origin of "America" is Scandinavian: Amt meaning "district" plus Eric, to form Amteric, or the Land of (Leif) Eric.Other Norsemen went out to the land Leif had discovered; in fact, contemporary advocates of the Norse connection claim that from around the beginning of the 11th century, North Atlantic sailors called this place Ommerike (oh-MEH-ric-eh), an Old Norse word meaning "farthest outland." (This theory is currently being promoted by white supremacists of the so-called Christian Party, who are intent on preserving the nation's Nordic character, and who argue that the Norse Ommerike derives from the Gothic Amalric, which, according to them, means "Kingdom of Heaven.") But most non-Scandinavians were ignorant of these sailors' bold exploits until the 17th century, and what they actually found was not seriously discussed by European geographers until the 18th century. Further, other discoveries of America have been credited to the Irish who had sailed to a land they called Iargalon, the land beyond the sunset, and to the Phoenicians who purportedly came here before the Norse. The 1497 voyage by John Cabot to the Labrador coast of Newfoundland constitutes yet another discovery of the American mainland, which led to an early 20th-century account of the naming of America, recently revived, that claims the New World was named after an Englishman (Welshman, actually) called Richard Amerike. And yet, despite the issue of who discovered America, we are still confronted with the awesome fact that it was the voyages of Columbus, and not earlier ones, that changed the course of world history. Indeed, as Tzvetan Todorov, author of The Conquest of America (1984; tr. Richard Howard), has argued, "The conquest of America … heralds and establishes our present identity; even if every date that permits us to separate any two periods is arbitrary, none is more suitable, in order to mark the beginning of the modern era, than the year 1492, the year Columbus crosses the Atlantic Ocean." Columbus clearly made a monumental discovery in showing Europe how to sail across the Atlantic; Vespucci's great contribution was to tell Europe that the land Columbus had found was not Asia but a New World (and that a western route to Asia involved yet another ocean beyond it). The naming of America, then, becomes essential to a full understanding of our history and cultural values — ourselves — especially when considered in terms of the range of theories about the origin of the name.The Maya ConnectionThe most explosive, haunting, almost credible etymology — the so-called Amerrique theory which was first advanced in 1875 — reappeared in the late 1970s in an essay by Guyanan novelist Jan Carew, titled "The Caribbean Writer and Exile." Here Carew focuses on the identity struggle of Caribbeans who are "subject to successive waves of cultural alienation from birth — a process that has its origins embedded in a mosaic of cultural fragments — Amerindian, African, European, Asian." He adds that "the European fragment is brought into sharper focus than the others, but it remains a fragment." It is in his discussion of this European fragment that he turns to the early historical accounts written by "European colonizers, about their apocalyptic intrusion into the Amerindian domains" — histories which, he argues, are largely fictions "characterized, with few exceptions, by romantic evasions of truth and voluminous omissions."Carew moves from the "fictions" of Columbus to those of Vespucci with these striking words: "Alberigo Vespucci, and I deliberately use his authentic Christian name, a Florentine dilettante and rascal, corrected Columbus's error [thinking he had found the Orient] … Vespucci, having sailed to the American mainland declared that what Columbus had indeed stumbled on was a New World." Carew then alludes to Vespucci's famous letters about his voyages (more later about these controversial letters), which caused a great stir throughout Europe when they were published in the early 1500s. In them Vespucci "invented a colonizer's America, and the reality that is ours never recovered from this literary assault and the distortions he inflicted upon it" because "the fiction of a 'virgin land' inhabited by savages, at once a racist one and a contradiction, remains with us to this day." But Carew, in developing his own fiction which derives largely from a fanciful 19th-century treatise, goes on to say: "Amerigo [sic] was undoubtedly a Florentine dilettante … [and] an extraordinarily clever one. Why would he otherwise have changed his Christian name after his voyages to the Americas?"Carew is resurrecting the ideas of Jules Marcou, a prominent French geologist who while studying North America argued, as did other 19th-century writers, that the name America was brought back to Europe from the New World; and that Vespucci had changed his name to reflect the name of his discovery. Specifically, Marcou introduced the name of an Indian tribe and of a district in Nicaragua called Amerrique, and asserted that this district — rich in gold — had been visited by both Columbus and Vespucci, who then made this name known in Europe. For both explorers the words Amerrique and gold became synonymous. Subsequently, according to Marcou's account, Vespucci changed his Christian name from Alberico to Amerigo. Carew cites Marcou to back his claim that "in the archives of Toledo, a letter from Vespucci to the Cardinal dated December 9, 1508, is signed Amerrigo with the double 'r' as in the Indian Amerrique … and between 1508 and 1512, the year in which Vespucci died, at least two other signatures with the Christian name Amerrigo were recorded."Like Marcou, Carew wants us to believe that America was not named after Vespucci, but vice versa; that Vespucci had, so to speak, re-named himself after his discovery, gilding his given name by modifying it to reflect the significance of his discovery. For Carew, however, the "truth" he found in his reading of history becomes a source of rage: "Robbing peoples and countries of their indigenous names was one of the cruel games that colonizers played with the colonized…. To rob people or countries of their names is to set in motion a psychic disturbance which can in turn create a permanent crisis of identity. As if to underline this fact, the theft of an important place-name from the heartland of the Americas and the claim that it was a dilettante's Christian name robs the original name of its elemental meaning."And what of this elemental meaning? To define it Carew echoes Marcou, who quotes from his correspondence with Augustus Le Plongeon. An imaginative anthropologist studying the Mayan culture in Yucatan, Le Plongeon had written to the French scholar: "The name AMERICA or AMERRIQUE in the Mayan language means, a country of perpetually strong wind, or the Land of the Wind, and sometimes the suffix '-ique' and '-ika' can mean not only wind or air but also a spirit that breathes, life itself."All this leads Carew to conclude that "we must, therefore, reclaim the name of our America and give it once again its primordial meaning, land of the wind, the fountainhead of life and movement." His assertions concerning the name and its origin demand closer scrutiny, for in his passion to dispel myths he has created new ones.Vespucci's Good NameFirst of all, Vespucci's name must be cleared. He has been wrongfully portrayed as a crafty opportunist ever since the mid-16th century when Bartholomew de Las Casas accused him of being a liar and a thief who stole the glory that belonged to Columbus. "The new continent," insisted Las Casas, "should have been called Columba and not as it is unjustly called, America." In his epoch-making History of the Indies, Las Casas demeans Vespucci and his achievement, slandering his name by describing what he (a friend of Columbus and his family) considered "the long premeditated plan of Vespucci to have the world acknowledge him as the discoverer of the largest part of the Indies." Vespucci's unfounded bad reputation persisted here throughout the 19th century. One of the climaxes of vilification was attained by Emerson, who comments in English Traits (1856): "Strange … that broad America must wear the name of a thief. Amerigo Vespucci, the pickledealer at Seville, who went out, in 1499, a subaltern with Hojeda, and whose highest naval rank was boat-swain's mate in an expedition that never sailed, managed in this lying world to supplant Columbus and baptize half the earth with his own dishonest name." Vespucci was not the man described by Las Casas and Emerson, nor was he simply "an unimportant Florentine merchant," as he is described in the 1992 edition of Compton's Encyclopedia "published [by a Division of Encyclopedia Britannica] with the editorial advice of the faculties of the University of Chicago."Vespucci was born in 1454 in Florence, where he was baptized, according to the official record, "Amerigho [not, as Carew asserts, Alberigo] Vespucci"; the use of the form Amerigho for Amerigo is an instance of the orthographic anarchy that existed in the spelling of proper names. The name Amerigo derives from an old Gothic name, Amalrich. In all its forms found in Europe (Greek "Aimulos," Latin "Aemelius") the underlying meaning was that of work. Amalrich, which literally meant work ruler, or designator of tasks, might be freely translated as master workman. Old German forms of the name were Amalrich, Almerich, Emmerich; the Spanish form was Almerigo; in England it was Almerick, or Merica in old families in Yorkshire. It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia and Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Emeric, and Emery. But as Charlotte Mary Yonge wrote in her History of Christian Names (1884), it was "the Italian form, Amerigo, which was destined to the most noted use … which should hold fast that most fortuitous title, whence thousands of miles, and millions of men, bear the appellation of the forgotten forefather of a tribe of Goths — Amalrich, the work ruler; a curiously appropriate title for the new world of labor and progress."Some scholars believe Vespucci was named after Saint Emeric, son of the first king of Hungary. He was known in Latin as Sanctus Americus. He had died in his youth, and was canonized for his pious life and purity. Moreover, as a reflection of national pride, a theory native to Hungary argues that the European explorers of the New World (or their priests) named it after this popular saint, in the old tradition of bestowing place names in honor of saints. However, no proof of this etymology exists.As was the custom of the Florentine nobility, Vespucci received an education that featured special instruction in the sciences connected with navigation — natural philosophy, astronomy, and cosmography — in which he excelled. Around 1490 he was sent to Spain by his employers, the famous Italian family of Medici, to join their business in fitting out ships. Vespucci was probably in Seville in 1492 when Columbus was preparing for his first historic voyage, as well as in 1493 when Columbus returned. Soon after, Vespucci was involved in fitting out the fleet for Columbus's second voyage. The two men eventually became friends; Columbus later wrote that he trusted Vespucci and held him in high esteem.The period during which Vespucci made his own voyages falls between 1497(?) and 1504(?). At the beginning of 1505 he was summoned to the court of Spain for a private consultation, and, as a man of experience, was engaged to work for the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias (Commercial House for the West Indies), which had been founded two years before in Seville. In 1508 the house appointed him piloto mayor (pilot major, or chief navigator), a post of great responsibility, which included the examination of the pilots' and ships' masters' licenses for voyages. He also had to prepare the official map of newly discovered lands and of the routes to them (for the royal survey), interpreting and coordinating all data that the captains were obliged to furnish. Vespucci, who obtained Spanish citizenship, held this position until his death in Seville in 1512. In the face of the spurious charges that he was an ignorant usurper of the merits of others, the fact that Spain entrusted him, a foreigner, with the office of pilot major certainly bolsters his defense.During the first half of the 20th century, scholars discovered further evidence that clears away the cloud of misunderstanding and ignorance by which Vespucci has long been obscured. Frederick J. Pohl's biography, Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major (1944), and Germán Arciniegas's Amerigo and the New World (1955; tr. Harriet de Onís) are among the best efforts that dispel the shadows to which he was relegated by those who maligned his fame. Nonetheless, both biographers disagree about the authenticity of his two published letters, key documents in a dramatic controversy: Arciniegas accepts them as genuine, whereas Pohl rejects them as forgeries. Their arguments both muster convincing evidence, suggesting an irreconcilable debate. But the question concerning the authenticity of these historic letters remains fundamental to the evaluation of Vespucci's achievement.Two series of documents on his voyages are extant. The first or traditional series consists of the widely published letters, dated 1504, purportedly written by him. Addressed to his patron, Lorenzo de' Medici, the Mundus Novus (New World) — the title alone revolutionizing the European conception of the cosmos — was translated from the Italian into Latin, and originally printed in Vienna; the other letter, addressed to the gonfaloniere (chief magistrate) of Florence, Piero Soderini, was a more elaborate work. The second series consists of three private letters addressed to the Medici. In the first series of documents, four voyages by Vespucci are described; in the second, only two. Until the 1930s the documents of the first series were considered from the point of view of the order of the four voyages. According to the conflicting theory to which Pohl and other modern scholars subscribe, these documents should be regarded as the result of skillful, unauthorized manipulations by entrepreneurs, and the sole authentic papers would be the private letters, so that the verified voyages would be reduced to two. Most important, if the first series of documents are indeed forgeries, the "first" of the four voyages (dated 1497) never took place, and thus Vespucci could not be given priority of one year over Columbus on reaching the American mainland, nor could he be considered the first to explore the coastline of Central America, Mexico, and the southeastern coast of the United States. The voyage completed by Vespucci between May 1499 and June 1500 as navigator of an expedition of four ships sent from Spain under the command of Alonso de Hojeda is certainly authentic. This is the second expedition of the traditional series. Since Vespucci took part as navigator, he certainly cannot have been inexperienced; however, it seems unlikely that he had made a previous voyage, though this matter remains unresolved. In the voyage of 1499–1500, Vespucci would seem to have left Hojeda after reaching the coast of what is now Guyana (Carew's homeland). Turning south, he is believed to have discovered the mouth of the Amazon River and explored the coast of present-day Brazil. On the way back, he reached Trinidad, sighting en route the mouth of the Orinoco River, and then made for Haiti. Vespucci thought he had sailed along the coast of the extreme easterly peninsula of Asia, where Ptolemy, the 2nd-century Greek geographer, believed the market of Cattigara to be; so he looked for the tip of this peninsula, calling it Cape Cattigara. He supposed that the ships, once past this point, emerged into the seas of southern Asia. As soon as he was back in Spain, he equipped a fresh expedition with the aim of reaching Asia. But the Spanish government did not welcome his proposals, and at the end of 1500 Vespucci went into the service of Portugal.Under Portuguese auspices he completed a second expedition, which set sail from Lisbon on May 31, 1501. After a halt at the Cape Verde Islands, the expedition traveled southwestward, reached the coast of Brazil, and certainly sailed as far south as the Río de la Plata, which Vespucci was the first European to discover. In all likelihood the ships took a quick run still farther south, along the coast of Patagonia to the Golfo de San Juli n or beyond. His ships returned by an unknown route, anchoring at Lisbon on July 12, 1502. This voyage is of fundamental importance in the history of geography in that Vespucci himself became convinced that the lands he had explored were not part of Asia but a New World. Unlike Columbus, who, to his death, clung to the idea that he had found the shores of Asia, Vespucci defined what had indeed been found — and for this he has been rightfully honored.Naming the New WorldVespucci not only explored unknown regions but also invented a system of computing exact longitude and arrived at a figure computing the earth's equational circumference only fifty miles short of the correct measurement. It was, however, not his many solid accomplishments but an apparent error made by a group of scholars living in St. Dié, near Strasbourg, France, in the mountains of Lorraine, then part of Germany, that led America to be named (ostensibly) after him; and this is largely why his reputation has suffered. His published letters had fallen into the hands of these German scholars, among whom was the young cartographer Martin Waldseemüller. Inspired to publish a new geography that would embrace the New World, the group collectively authored a revision of Ptolemy, which included a Latin translation of Vespucci's purported letter to Soderini, as well as a new map of the world drawn by Waldseemüller. In their resulting Cosmographiae Introductio, printed on April 25, 1507, appear these famous words (as translated from the original Latin; see below) written most likely by one of the two poet-scholars involved in the project: "But now these parts [Europe, Asia and Africa, the three continents of the Ptolemaic geography] have been extensively explored and a fourth part has been discovered by Americus Vespuccius [a Latin form of Vespucci's name], as will be seen in the appendix: I do not see what right any one would have to object to calling this part after Americus, who discovered it and who is a man of intelligence, [and so to name it] Amerige, that is, the Land of Americus, or America: since both Europa and Asia got their names from women."The new geography included in its appendix Waldseemüller's large, stunning map of the world, on which the New World is boldly labeled AMERICA — in the middle of present-day Brazil. This map is the first known map, printed or mcript, to use the name America, and also the first to depict clearly a separate western hemisphere, with the Pacific as a separate ocean. The entire New World portion of the map roughly represents South America, and when later mapmakers added North America, they retained the original name; in 1538, the great geographer Gerard Mercator gave the name America to all of the western hemisphere on his mappamundi. Waldseemüller's 1507 map, lost to scholars until 1901 when it was found in a German castle, is now reckoned to be the first to show the name, and the earliest record of its use. Moreover, the discoverer of the map went so far as to dub it the "Baptismal Certificate of the New World." Historians today agree that Vespucci, who was completely unaware of the project in Lorraine, had nothing to do with the so-called baptism. He clearly never tried to have the New World named after him or to belittle his friend Columbus. Nonetheless, the name America spread throughout Europe and quickly established itself through sheer force of usage.The baptismal passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio has commonly been read as argument, in which the authors said that they were naming the newly discovered continent in honor of Vespucci and saw no reason for objections. But, as etymologist Joy Rea has suggested, it could also be read as explanation, in which they indicate that they have heard the New World was called America, and the only explanation lay in Vespucci's name. In ignoring the possible intention of these words as explanation, most scholars have ignored the simple fact that place names usually originate informally in the spoken word and first circulate that way, not in the printed word. Moreover, to read the passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio as explanation lends credence to the theory, argued by Carew, Marcou, and others, that the early European explorers called the new continent Amerrique or, perhaps, another name with a similar pronunciation.Even though the Latinization of Americus fits a pattern, why did the cosmographers not employ Albericus (hence the assumption that "Alberigo" was Vespucci's authentic Christian name), the Latinization that had already been used for Amerigo's name as the author of the Mundus Novus? Their substitution of Americus for the well-known Latinization Albericus might mean that they wanted a Latinization that would fit and explain the name America which they had already heard applied to the New World. Why did they ignore the common law in the naming of new lands: the use of the last names of explorers and the first names of royalty? Their ignoring it, Rea claims, further supports the idea that they were trying to force an explanation and that the only one they could think of was a Latinization of Vespucci's first name.Another Amerindian Root Did America get its name through oral tradition when those who had sailed with Columbus or Vespucci circulated stories that gold was to be found in the Amerrique Mountains of Nicaragua? According to Ricardo Palma's Tradiciones Peruanas (Peruvian Traditions, 1949), the ending of the word America indicates this origin: "The ending ic (ica, ique, ico made Spanish) is found frequently in the names of places, in the languages and native dialects of Central America and even of the Antilles. It seems to mean 'great, high, prominent' and is applied to mountains and peaks in which there are no volcanos." The Spanish Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada (1907) gives Americ or América as a mountainous region in Nicaragua, adding that Columbus had landed on the coast of Nicaragua directly east of these mountains. Columbus, who met the Indians of this coast, presumably heard the name Amerrique from them: he was looking for gold and the Indians gave him some, telling him he could get more to the west in the mountains there.The coast at the foot of the Amerrique Mountains that faces the Caribbean Sea is called the Mosquito Coast, named for the Mosquito Indians, who live there still. The Mosquitos are Caribs. It is almost certain that Columbus first heard the name of the mountains pronounced by a Carib. Amerrique, therefore, must derive from a Carib word, possibly one of the Carib culture words — not a word in the Mayan language, which was not spoken in Nicaragua, though it almost resembles in sound the Quiche Mayan iq' amaq'el meaning perpetual wind. Further dispelling the idea of a Maya connection to America, Robert M. Laughlin, curator of Mesoamerican Ethnology at the Smithsonian Institution, and an eminent anthropologist with expertise in Mayan culture, points out that "r" is rarely in the alphabets of Mayan languages.The Caribs, traveling far from their Carib or Cariay coast, could see the Amerriques in the distance, and these mountains for them could have signified the mainland. The Indians in the Caribbean did have a word for the mainland, given in the Lexicografía Antillana (Antillean Dictionary, 1931) as babeque and defined as the name that Columbus understood the Indians to say when they were pointing to a land beyond Haiti and Cuba. Las Casas believed for a while that this must be Jamaica, but later decided it was the name for the mainland. Other historians have considered it the name the Caribs used for the mainland. Babeque, different as it sounds from Amerrique, could possibly be a variant of Amerrique. Very different spellings for the same Carib word reflect variants that sound little like each other; thus, the variants of the name Carib are Canibe, Galibi, Caniba, Canibal and Caliban.The English ConnectionEqually as amazing as the Amerrique theory, the little-known theory that "America" derives from the name of a Bristol-based Welshman, Richard Ameryk, emerged early in the 20th century. It constitutes an incredible Anglicization of the New World — and would, for obvious reasons, infuriate Carew. The theory was developed by Alfred E. Hudd, a member of the Clifton Antiquarian Club, which in 1910 published his work in its proceedings; the paper, "Richard Ameryk and the Name America," had been read to the group two years before. Hudd opens with a reference to Bristol's 1897 celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of North America by John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto), the Italian navigator and explorer who had sailed for England, laying the groundwork for the later British claim to Canada. For his achievement Cabot received a handsome pension conferred upon him by the King, from the hands of the Collectors of Customs of the Port of Bristol. One of these officials, the senior of the two, who was probably the person who handed over the money to the explorer, was named Richard Ameryk (also written Ap Meryke [Welsh] on one deed, and elsewhere written Amerycke) who seems to have been a leading citizen of Bristol at the time. Hudd claims that the name given to the newly found land by the discoverer was "Amerika," in honor of the official from whom he received his pension.On his return to England the flamboyant Cabot, who dressed in silk, was celebrated as "the Great Admiral." He had a reputation for his extravagance. He purportedly gave one of the islands he explored to a friend, another to his barber, and also promised some Italian friars that they could be bishops. Hudd reasons that if Cabot were so free with his gifts to his poorer friends, it is easy to understand his wish to show gratitude to the King's official, and that he may well have done so by conferring his name on "the new Isle" which, it was thought, lay off the coast of China — Cabot never realized that he had found a continent.To back his claim that the name America was known in Bristol in the years just before 1500, and well before Waldseemüller's map, Hudd presents the often quoted words of a lost mcript, one of the "Calendars" in which local events were recorded: "This year , on St. John the Baptist's day [June 24th], the land of America was found by the merchants of Bristowe, in a ship of Bristowe called the 'Mathew,' the which said ship departed from the port Bristowe the 2nd of May and came home again the 6th August following." If Hudd's suggestion is correct, the original mcript documents the fact that the newly discovered land was already called America in Bristol before that name became known in Europe."Amerika," Hudd says, "seems much more like the name of the Bristol Customs official, than that of the Italian [Amerigo] … and having been invented in Bristol, by Cabot, and having been the only name for 'the new island' for more than ten years after its discovery, the resemblance of the name to that of Vespucci struck [the authors of the Cosmosgraphiae Introductio] … (to whom the English 'Richard Ameryk' was quite unknown), and thus through an error of his editor[s], to Vespucci was transferred the honour that the discoverer of North America, John Cabot, had intended to confer on the Bristolian 'Ameryk.'" Hudd fears that his main evidence, the original mcript of Bristol's calendar, was lost in a fire and acknowledges that this important piece of the puzzle is missing. However, even if the name America were known in Bristol in 1497, Hudd has taken a majestic leap to suggest Ameryk's name as its origin. No proof exists to substantiate his claim that Cabot actually honored the Welshman by naming America after him. But if the name were indeed known in Bristol then, how was that possible?Rodney Broome’s recent book, Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name (2001), in which he argues for the Amerike theory, is a very good read, but ultimately lacks the hard evidence to support the author’s claim. He presents a compelling inference at best. A longtime U.S. resident, Broome is originally from Bristol. He summarizes his argument this way in the Bristol Times: "Bristol merchants bought salt cod in Iceland until the King of Denmark stopped the trade in 1475. In 1479, four Bristol merchants received a royal charter to find another source of fish and trade. Not until 1960 did someone find bills of trading records indicating that Richard Amerike was involved in this business. Records show that in 1481, Amerike shipped a load of salt (for salting fish) to these men in Newfoundland and I believe the Bristol sailors named the area after the Bristol merchant they worked for."~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~The current edition of Webster's New World College Dictionary (2004) admits the mystery that surrounds the origin of the name America, saying it derives (<) from "Americus Vespucius … but < ? Sp. Amerrique … used by early explorers for the newly discovered lands < ? AmInd." No definitive conclusions can be reached. Too many claims are, for lack of hard evidence, based on speculation. Theories about the true origin of the name are ultimately historical fictions. Yet behind these fictions lie compelling views of the New World. Taken together, they form a multicultural vision of its distinctive character. To hear Americus in the name; to hear the perpetual wind of the Amerrique Mountains; to hear the African in the Mayan iq' amaq'el; to hear the Scandinavian Ommerike, as well as Amteric, and the Algonquin Em-erika; to hear Saint Emeric of Hungary; to hear Amalrich, the Gothic lord of the work ethic, and the English official, Amerike — to hear such echoes in the name of our hemisphere is to hear wishful projections of ourselves.An early version of this essay appeared in The American Voice (1988) and a section in Encounters (1991).Coordinates Series B, No. 4 The Map that Named America: Martin Waldseemuller’s 1507 World MapDate of Publication: 08/29/05 John R. Hébert John R. Hébert (e-mail email@example.com) is Chief, Geography and Map Division, Library of Congress, 101 Independence Ave. SE, Madison Bldg., Room LMB01, Washington D.C. 20540-4650. Abstract Editor's Note: This brief overview of the history of Martin Waldseemuller's 1507 map and its acquisition by the Library of Congress is presented as a complement to John Hessler's article, "Warping Waldseemuller: A Cartometric Study of the Coast of South America as Portrayed on the 1507 World Map" (Coordinates, Series A, No.4). A high-resolution image of the Waldseemuller map can be found at http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3200.ct000725C. Keywords: Waldseemuller, Library of Congress, maps, cartography, exploration, Renaissance In late May 2003, the Library of Congress completed the purchase of the only surviving copy of the first image of the outline of the continents of the world as we know them today— Martin Waldseemuller’s monumental 1507 world map. That map has been referred to in various circles as America's birth certificate, and for good reason—it is the first document on which the name America appears. It is also the first map to depict a separate and full Western Hemisphere and the first map to represent the Pacific Ocean as a separate body of water. The purchase of the map concluded a nearly century long effort to secure for the Library of Congress that very special cartographic document revealing new European thinking about the world nearly 500 years ago. Martin Waldseemuller, the primary cartographer of the map, was a sixteenth-century scholar, humanist, cleric, and cartographer who had joined the small intellectual circle, the Gymnasium Vosagense, organized in Saint-Dié, France. He was born near Freiburg, Germany, sometime in the 1470s, and died in the canon house at Saint-Dié in 1522. During his lifetime, he devoted much of his activities to cartographic ventures, including the famous world map, a set of globe gores (for a globe with a 3 inch diameter) and, the Cosmographiae Introductio (a book to accompany the map) in the spring of 1507; the 1513 edition of the Ptolemy Geographiae; the Carta Marina, a large world map, in 1516; and a smaller world map in the 1515 edition of Margarita Philosophica Nova among other items. Thus, in northeast France was born the famous 1507 world map, entitled Universalis cosmographia secunda Ptholemei traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum que lustrationes (A drawing of the whole earth following the tradition of Ptolemy and the travels of Amerigo Vespucci and others). That map, printed on twelve separate sheets from wood block plates, when assembled would measure more than 4 1⁄2 feet by 8 feet in dimension. The large map is an early sixteenth-century masterpiece, containing a full map of the world, two inset maps showing separately the Western and Eastern Hemispheres, illustrations of Ptolemy and Vespucci, images of the various winds, and extensive explanatory notes about selected regions of the world. Waldseemuller’s 1507 map was a bold statement that rationalized the modern world in light of the exciting news arriving in Europe as a result of explorations sponsored by Spain, Portugal, and others—not only across the Atlantic Ocean, but around the African coast and into the Indian Ocean. The map must have created quite a stir in Europe, since its findings departed considerably from the accepted knowledge of the world at that time, which was based on the second century A.D. work of the Greek geographer, Claudius Ptolemy. To us, the 1507 map appears remarkably accurate; but to the world of the early sixteenth century it represented a considerable departure from accepted views regarding the composition of the world. Its appearance undoubtedly ignited a debate in Europe regarding its portrayal of an unknown continent (unknown to Europe and others in the Eastern Hemisphere) between two huge bodies of water, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and separated from the classical world of Ptolemy, which had been confined to the continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia. While it has been suggested that Waldseemuller incorrectly dismissed Christopher Columbus’s great achievement in history by the selection of the name America for the Western Hemisphere, it is evident that the information that Waldseemuller and his colleagues had at their disposal recognized Columbus's previous voyages of exploration and discovery. However, the group also had acquired a recent French translation of the important work Insuper aquattor Amerigo Vespuccii navigationes, Amerigo Vespucci's letter detailing his purported four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean to America between 1497 and 1504. In that work, Vespucci concluded that the lands reached by Columbus in 1492, and explored by Columbus and others over the ensuing two decades, was indeed a segment of the world, a new continent, unknown to Europe. Because of Vespucci's recognition of that startling revelation, he was thus honored by the use of his name for the newly discovered continent. It is remarkable that our entire Western Hemisphere was thus named for a living person; Vespucci died in 1512. With regard to Columbus's exploits from 1492 forward—i.e. his various explorations between 1492 and 1504— the 1507 map clearly shows Columbus's explorations in the West Indies, and also the Spanish monarchs' sponsorship of those and subsequent voyages of exploration. Shortly after the appearance of the 1507 world map by Waldseemuller, Vespucci was appointed the first Pilot Major in the Spanish House of Trade (the Casa de la Contratación) in Seville, and in that capacity was responsible for navigational issues and concerns of Spanish shipping to the new western possessions, across the Atlantic. By 1513, when Waldseemuller and the Saint-Dié scholars published the new edition of Ptolemy's Geographiae, and by 1516, when his famous Carta Marina was printed, Waldseemuller had removed the name America from his maps, perhaps suggesting that even he had second thoughts in honoring Vespucci exclusively for his understanding of the New World. Instead, in the 1513 atlas the name America does not appear anyplace in the volume, and the place of America is referred to as Terra Incognita (Unknown land). In the1516 Carta Marina, South America is called Terra Nova (New World), and North America is named Cuba, and is shown to be part of Asia. No reference in either work is made to the name America. Yet, cartographic contributions by Johannes Schoner in 1515 and by Peter Apian in 1520 adopted the name America for the Western Hemisphere, and that name became part of accepted usage. A reported one thousand copies of the 1507 map were printed, which was a sizeable print run in those days. This single surviving copy of the map exists because it was kept in a portfolio by Johannes Schöner (1477-1547), a German globe maker, who probably had acquired a copy of the map for his own cartographic work. That portfolio contained not only the unique copy of the 1507 world map, but also a unique copy of Waldseemüller's 1516 large wall map (the Carta Marina) and copies of Schöner's terrestrial (1515) and celestial (1517) globe gores. Sometime later in history, the family of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg acquired and retained Schoner's portfolio in their castle in Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany, where it remained unknown to scholars until the beginning of the twentieth century when its extraordinary contents were revealed. The uncovering of the 1507 map in the Wolfegg Castle early last century is thought by many to have been one of the most extraordinary episodes in the history of cartographic scholarship. The map sheets have been maintained separated (not joined, with each of the large maps comprised of twelve separate sheets) and that is the probable reason why they survived. The portfolio with its great treasure was uncovered and revealed to the world in 1901 by the Jesuit priest Josef Fischer, who was conducting research in the Waldburg collection. In 1903 an elaborate set of facsimiles of the 1507 and the 1516 maps accompanied by a scholarly study by Josef Fischer and Franz von Wieser appeared. The Library of Congress's Geography and Map Division acquired in 1903 the facsimiles made of the 1507 and 1516 maps. Throughout the twentieth century the Library continued to express interest in and a desire to acquire the 1507 map, when, if ever, it was made available for sale. Finally, in 1992, the realization that the 1507 map would be sold was revealed to the Library of Congress and specialists in the Library were encouraged to investigate the opportunity. Through the combined efforts of several Library of Congress specialists, and many other members of the Library's staff over an 11 year period, the map has made its way to the Library of Congress. In 1999, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg notified the Library that the German national government and the Baden-Württemberg state government had granted permission for a limited export license. Having obtained this license, which allowed this German national treasure to come to the Library of Congress, the Prince pursued an agreement to sell the 1507 map to the Library. In late June 2001, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the Library of Congress reached a final agreement on the sale of the map at the price of $10,000,000. In late May 2003, the Library completed a successful campaign to purchase Waldseemuller’s 1507 world map, after receiving substantial Congressional and private support to achieve the terms of the contract. The 1507 world map is now the centerpiece of the outstanding cartographic collections of the Library of Congress, as it would be for any world class cartographic collection. The map serves as a departure point in the development of the American cartographic collection in addition to its revered position in early modern cartographic history. The map provides a meaningful link between our treasured late medieval-early Renaissance cartographic collection (which includes one of the richest holdings of Ptolemy atlases in the world) and the modem cartographic age unfolding as a result of the explorations of Columbus and other discoverers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. It represents the point of departure from the geographical understanding of the world based on Ptolemy’s Cosmographiae and Geographiae to that emerging in the minds of scholars and practical navigators as reports of the "new worlds" of America, southern Africa, and other regions of Asia and Oceania reached Europe's shores. Waldseemuller recognized the transition taking place, as the title of his map notes and his placement prominently of images of Ptolemy and Vespucci, next to their worlds, at the top portion of the 1507 world map denotes. The map now is part of the rich cartographic holdings of the Geography and Map Division, which includes some 5.2 million maps; 75,000 atlases; over 500 globes and globe gores; and thousands of maps in digital form. And from that fragile first glimpse of the world, so adequately described by Waldseemüller in 1507, the Library of Congress’ cartographic resources provide the historical breadth and cartographic depth to fill in the geographic blanks left by those early cosmographers. The Library’s acquisition of the Waldseemuller map represents an important moment to renew serious research into this exceptional map, to determine the sources which made possible its creation, and to investigate its contemporary impact and acceptance. The map’s well announced acquisition provides us an extraordinary opportunity to appreciate the earliest of early depictions of our modern world. Major segments of this world map have not received the concentrated scrutiny that the American segments have received. The very detailed depiction of sub-Sahara Africa, the south coast of Asia, and even the areas surrounding the Black and Caspian Seas merit further study and discussion in response to obvious questions regarding the cartographic and geographic sources that were available and used by the Saint- Dié scholars to reach their conclusions in the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller. Through agreement with Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the government of Germany, the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller is to be placed on permanent display in the Library of Congress’s Great Hall area in the Thomas Jefferson Building. The Library of Congress is proud to have obtained this unique treasure and is anxious to have this great cartographic document receive the public acclaim and the critical scholarly inspection that it so rightly merits. Note 1. This call for further scholarship on the map, its impact, and the sources used to produce it is not meant to suggest that previous scholarship is lacking. The fine section on Martin Waldseemuller in Robert W. Karrow, Jr.'s Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century and Their Maps: Bio-Bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press, 1993), 568-583, provides a thorough record of Waldseemuller's research output. Elizabeth Harris's "The Waldseemuller World Map: a Typographic Appraisal," Imago Mundi, v. 37 (1985), 30-53, is an extensive airing of the date of the printing of the 1507 world map and other Waldseemuller contributions. Works that have increased our knowledge about Waldseemüller and the group in Saint-Dié include: Joseph Fischer and Franz R. Von Wieser, Die alteste Karte mit dem Namen Americas... (Insbruck, 1903); Silvo A. Bedini's brief article on Waldseemuller in his The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 729-731; and Armand P.D'Avezac de Castera-Macaya's Martin Hylacomylus Waldseemuller.... (Paris: 1867). http://www.loc.gov/rr/geogmap/waldexh.htmlDESCRIPTION: The existence of sets of gores for making into a globe had been surmised for some time from the discussion in Waldseemüller’s Cosmographiæ Introductio. In translation: “We have proposed in this small book to write a sort of introduction to the Cosmographiæ which we have depicted both on a globe and on a plane [chart], but, of course, of smaller dimensions on the globe.” From this citation it appears that as early as April, 1507, the same preparation had been made for a globe that had been made for the issue of a large world map. As mentioned above, the large world map of Waldseemüller’s was rediscovered in 1901, but neither a globe nor a set of globe gores is known bearing the indisputable evidence of his authorship. Originally in the library of Prince Liechtenstein, however, was a somewhat crudely executed gore map which, according to certain cartographical students, should be accepted as a copy of the work to which the allusions are made in the Cosmographiæ. These gores, twelve in number, and each 12 cm/4.5 inches in length, this length representing the length of a meridian of the globe ball which the gores could be made to cover, were printed from a wood engraved block. They exhibit the Old World, in the main, in accord with the Ptolemaic idea, and the New World with a close resemblance to the Caveri map record (#307), and that of Waldseemüller’s world map of 1507. The North American region is nameless, but the South American region bears conspicuously the name America. At intervals of ten degrees lines of latitude and longitude are marked. As a title to a lithographic reproduction of this map issued some years since by the Prince, is the subscription “Erster gedruckter Globus. Martin Hylocomylus (Waltzemüller) Gehort wahrscheinlich zo seinem 1509 herausgegebenen Buche Globus Mundi.” [First printed globe Martin Hylacomylus (Waltzemüller). Probably belonging to his Globus Mundus which appeared in 1509.]That which adds special significance to this young German’s representations of the new lands, so far as a study of globes is concerned, is the repeated recurrence of his particular outlines or contours in the globe maps of the first quarter of the century, produced by such cartographers as Johann Schöner of Nürnberg (#328), and by those of his school. Both the globe and the large world map were doubtless printed in large numbers and widely distributed. Waldseemüller states in a legend on his marine chart of 1516 (#328.1) that he had printed his map of 1507 in one thousand copies, but only one of which is now known to exist. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or ‘marquette’ of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. In a little tract, printed in Strassburg in the year 1509, there appears to be a reference to a globe which may be that constructed by Waldseemüller. It is this reference that the Prince of Liechtenstein, as noted above, has taken as a reference to the gore map, a copy of which is in his collection. The title of this tract reads, (in translation) “This little book relates how the two most illustrious Lords Ferdinand, King of Castile and Emanuel, King of Portugal have searched through the wide seas and discovered many islands and a new world and naked peoples hitherto unknown.” “Printed at Strassburg by Johann Grüniger. In the year MCCCCCIX on Letaro. But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world you will hereafter find out and read.” Harrisse thinks it probable that a real globe accompanied and was sold with this little volume.The twelve such gores, measuring 18 x 34.5 cm, corresponding very closely to those described by Waldseemüller were for a long time in the Hauslab-Leichtenstein collection and are now in the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Another set is in private hands in the United States. Historians are still unable to say positively whether it was a set of gores, or the globe itself, which Waldseemüller promised in a letter, on Easter Monday 1507, to send to Joannes Amerbach (the full text of that letter to Amerbach is provided in Harrisse).The world outline is a simplified reduction of Waldseemüller’s large map of 1507 (#310) with relatively few names but (when mounted) sufficient for illustrative purposes. No made-up globe is known.Martin Waldseemüller, theologian and cosmographer, and Matthias Ringmann, a humanist poet, were brought to the monastery of St. Dié des Vosges in early 1505 by Gualtier Ludd, Secretary to René II Duke of Lorraine, to join a group of scholars called the Gymnasia Vosagense. Waldseemüller and Ringmann started work on a new edition of Ptolemy's Geographia that was to combine Ptolemaic maps with a new set of modern maps. They were provided with at least six printed editions and certainly several mcript versions of the Geographia. Their work on this new Geography of the World was combined with an instruction to create a new globe and large map of the world, for which René had received a French translation of Amerigo Vespucci’s voyages, and for which they must have also had copies of Portuguese charts either from Portugal or from Italy. Ringmann, a supporter of Vespucci, had already published in 1505 an edition of Vespucci’s Mundus Novus, a vivid description of the New World which became a bestseller around Europe. By April 1507, Waldseemüller and Ringmann had completed the booklet, Cosmographiae Introductio, to accompany the globe and wall-map. It appeared in two editions in St. Dié, the first in April 1507 (2 issues) and in again in August 1507. Another edition was published by Waldseemüller alone in 1509 in Strasbourg. The Cosmographiae provided an introduction to the new geography of the world as laid out in the globe and wall-map, and included a Latin translation of Vespucci’s four voyages. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or “Marquette” of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. Although a text on Waldseemüller’s later wallmap, the Carta Marina (1516), says that 1,000 copies of the 1507 wall-map were made, it is unlikely that this number were issued, given the survival rate of the one bound copy now in the Library of Congress. The globe map and book had an enormous influence on other geographers, notably Appian, Schöner and Fries, and advanced the science of globe-making and map making particularly in Germany and the Low Countries. Waldseemüller, for many, has become the father of modern geography. The notoriety and mystery that has surrounded both the globe, map and large wall-map has often concentrated on the naming of America, but in truth, given that they named South America after Vespucci, who had sailed furthest around it, it is not unreasonable. It was left to Mercator in 1534 to ascribe the terms North and South America. The mystery of the globe map, its definition of Florida (before it was discovered by the Spanish), the Pacific (before any man had officially seen it), the coast of South America (before anyone had officially sailed along it) and the use of the name The Western Ocean in the Pacific, all suggest that the Portuguese may have been more active west of the Tordesillas Treaty Line before 1505. Such information would have been kept secret by the Portuguese, and it is perhaps here in this globe that the secrets were first drawn up for a wider audience, particularly since Vespucci’s allegiance to Portugal changed when he became a Spanish citizen.The Waldseemüller Globe Map: A Census Of Copies1. The Hauslab-Liechtenstein-Bell-Univeristy of Minnesota copy -- this was the first set of the globe gores to be discovered, found in the collection of Baron Franz Ritter von Hauslab in Austria and first shown in 1871 at the Congrès géographiques at Antwerp. By 1890, it had been acquired by the Prince of Liechtenstein and studies by Gallois dated it to 1507 following the realization that it was the lost globe described in the St. Dié editions of the Cosomographiae Introductio. In 1949, the Liechtenstein map collection was bought en bloc by the famous New York dealer H.P. Kraus, however the globe map was retained and offered by the Prince at a special auction at Parke-Bernet in New York on 24 May 1950. The catalogue published a reserve of $50,000, but it failed to sell and was sold privately in 1954 to James Ford Bell for approximately $45,000. His map collection is now at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, U.S.A.Copy of the globe gores in the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat, München, ULM Cim. 107#2. Courtesy of the University Library of Munich2. The Kraus-Bavarian State Library copy -- in 1960 at Sotheby’s in London, a set of the gores was offered bound into a Ptolemy atlas of 1486. The atlas and gores were bought by H.P. Kraus for £12,500 ($65,000). The prize of his map and globe collection, H.P. Kraus published details of these gores in a special catalogue. They were offered for sale in 1991, and purchased by the Bavarian State library in Munich for approximately 2 million DM (in excess of $1million).3. The Offenburg copy -- following the publicity regarding the acquisition of the copy above by the Bavarian State library in 1992, in 1993 two researchers, Dr. Obnof and Frau Dr. Vera Sack found a third example of the gores inserted into a copy of Aristotle published in Freiburg in 1541. The Aristotle formed part of the Grimmelshausen-Gymnasium library given to the Stadtbucherei Offenburg. The Aristotle had previously been in a monastic library in Offenburg.4. The present example was discovered in February 2003 when the owner, on reading an article in the Frankfurter Algemeinen Zeitung on the Munich copy, realized he owned a similar map amongst his large collection of books and ephemera.TimelineConsiderable speculation, misinformation and some misunderstanding has surrounded these globe gores and the large world map. To present the various strands of information relating to the genesis, execution and influences of the Waldseemüller gores, the following timeline brings together the principal events in the lives of Waldseemüller, Ringmann, Vespucci and their circles. References to accurate factual information are principally taken from 19th century sources, much of the 20th century work on the subject being a reiteration of earlier work by Humboldt, D’Avezac-Macaya, Fischer, Varnhagen and Harisse.LOCATIONS: James Ford Bell University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MNKraus-Bavarian State Library, Deutsches Museum in MünichStadtbucherei OffenburgSize: 8.3 inches/21 cm high, with standREFERENCES: Harrisse, H., The Discovery of North America, 67 and 82. Shirley, R.W., The Mapping of the World, p. 29, #27, Plate 30. Stevenson, E.L., Terrestrial and Celestial Globes, pp. 70-71, Figure 32.*Wolff, J., America: early maps of the new world, p.116, Figure 7.Facsimile Globe based upon the 12 Waldseemüller Globe Gores